Optimality and Functionality: a Critique of Functionally-based Optimality-theoretic Syntax

This paper examines ‘functionally-based optimality theory’ (FOT), the version of optimality theory that requires that each constraint be paired with an external functional motivation. It argues that, at least as far as syntactic constraints are concerned, FOT suffers from severe deficiencies. Such a pairing incorrectly locates the form-function interplay in the mental grammar itself, rather than seeing the response of form to function as emerging from language use and acquisition. Furthermore, FOT seems incompatible with the standard OT assumption that constraints are universal. Finally, two of the functionallymotivated hierarchies that are central to FOT theorizing, the thematic and relational hierarchies, are highly problematic, while incorporating the others into an FOT analysis leads to otherwise unnecessary complexity.